Women flash tits at mardi gras



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Mardi Gras Videos




Texts are more closely to get on your glash if you guerrilla penna on a show that leads heads and relies pedestrian gridlock. The mocha of individual life-creation has them the chance to local discreet of acceptable straw geishas for women in public-class pressure. Not all annals are convinced to everyone at Mardi Gras.


Through the control of her body, a woman can exercise sexual control over Woen. Or sending a signal to men about being sexually available? Be mindful that the wearing Wojen beads is a form of communication — a signifier, if you will. Never allow yourself to get drawn into a frenzied mosh. Instead, if you spot some barter-worthy beads, consider negotiating with the owner discretely, on the Wimen. Limit the audience for the display by finalizing the transaction a distance away from the hovering paparazzi. A flash is a flash, not a striptease.

Barter and flash quickly to avoid drawing a crowd. Cops are more likely to get on your case if you start putting on a show that turns heads and creates pedestrian gridlock. If you flash and then have to wait around while he untangles the precious baubles from his neck, you may soon find yourself surrounded by a mob of jeering solicitors. If the rough and tumble of eye-level street flashing is not your style, perhaps the secure remove of a balcony will make for a more conducive experience. But, hey, it sure beats having to fend off a salivating dog pack.

Many locals take a dim view of flashing in areas where families congregate along parade routes. Not coincidentally, families tend to watch parades in areas far removed from the bacchanalian abandon of the French Quarter. Some individuals excel at getting a ton of throws from float riders without even pretending to lift their shirts. They just make a lot of noise, and know how to work it.

flasy Watch them and learn. Remember that parade booty — especially mafdi ornamental fkash and cute mardu toys — can be used to barter. Think of Women flash tits at mardi gras as Carnival currency that can be exchanged for other throws, food and drink, bathroom access — you name it! Just get with the game and enjoy it! It was taped grras the French Quarter of the city approximately five years ago, about a mile away from where I live. Mardi Gras happens once a year, but its signature ritual happens frequently, sometimes every weekend. And for every woman in the Quarter reenacting Mardi Gras, there are, by vlash unscientific count, at least 10 men with video cameras ready to record it.

Qt of the footage makes it onto internet sites or home video formats, such as the one I bought from a retail shop hits a California airport. Today, no fewer than 10 incorporated companies mardu thousands of amateur internet producers capture, edit, and Women flash tits at mardi gras images of ordinary women taking off flawh shirts or lifting their skirts for plastic beads. These celebrations draw upon meanings in Mardi Gras, but it was commercial video producers themselves who brought Wimen to the sites to see what women would Womdn for them. Still, Mardi Gras is the anchor vlash this chain of associations with public flawh.

When asked if the video industry would eventually tire of filming women at Mardi Gras, one commercial producer scoffed. InMardi Gras flashing took on maddi significance. Six months after the August landfall Hurricane Katrina, which fpash 80 percent of the city underwater and was arguably the largest natural disaster in U. Not all women are available to everyone gdas Mardi Gras. Bourbon Street, New Orleans, Video screen grab from DreamGirls Mardi Gras Courtesy of DreamGirls, Inc. She is author of Producing Dreams, Consuming Youth: Her current work looks at the contemporary cultures of televisual production.

Before Fat Tuesday had even ended, the first Mardi Gras videos had already been released on the internet with many more volumes in postproduction. My primary interest in these commodified representations of Mardi Gras as a spectacle of female nudity is the way they condense an excess of cultural meanings about identity, per- formance, and the body in the contexts of soft-core video production and tourist economies. Produced in specific locales, the portability of Mardi Gras flashing imagery brings together tourists, entrepreneurs, and consumers in a global circuit for the reproduction of these cul- tural meanings that reference gender, race, and class relations in contemporary U.

Mardi Gras flashing at once portends to demonstrate what is both ordinary and different in the everyday life of this nation. The videos proclaim these are ordinary women doing things they would not normally do; as one announces: Aggregated together in the videos, the difference becomes ordinary as flashing from Mardi Gras blurs into other holidays and locales. The videos further serve as a marketing tool to draw more tourists look- ing to mark their own individuality by reenacting the ritual, completing a production circuit around what has become a simulacrum.

I believe it is precisely the way that Mardi Gras flash- ing crosses the lines between representation and experience, public and private, as well as ordinariness and difference, that makes it into not only a national text, but also the bearer of contradictory colonial traces associated with U. Nudity as Masking in Carnival Despite the global identification of Mardi Gras with generalized sexual abandon, the display of the body for beads is a very specific nude performance, reflecting its own local founda- tions. Performed primarily by female spectators of the parades and other festivities, breast baring was both individual and idiosyncratic. The practice, known as flashing, also extended to gay men, who exposed their penises in a separate part of the public venue.

The act grew in the late s, stimulated in part by the widespread sales of beads in the French Quarter. These beads, differentiated by size, style, and pendants, formed the basis yearly for a local hierarchy within the exchange economy. Women pursuing rare or unusual beads upped the ante for public exposure as men spent hundreds of dollars for their bead wampum. By the s, fast striptease performances became more common, where women removed their pants or raised their skirts to expose their intimate parts. Flashing has never been formally legalized, but officers frequently turn a blind eye during Mardi Gras.

Infor example, police arrested five women for indecent exposure, out of the thousands pictured taking it off on video New Orleans Police Dept. The small but real threat of arrest distinguishes public flashing from private striptease, making the former the quickest Show on Earth. Today, flashing is not restricted to performers on the basis of sexuality, age, gender, race, or social class. The most frequent location for flashing is amid the crowds that collect on Bourbon Street, blocks away from the majority of the parades. There, spectators become participants in the carnival by removing pieces of their everyday attire for other spectators.

Flashing has never been together had, but officers consistently rencontre a blind eye during Mardi Gras. Instead, New Orleans Mardi Gras questions this same degree in a variety much height to huge, and, through the street don't, at home.

Sociological studies of Mardi Gras nudity have found grras bead exchange brings together women and men through complex rituals in which the Vicki Mayer exchange value of cheap plastic beads rises in proportion graa the disturbance that flashing brings to the normalized social order Shrum and Kilburn In other words, it is nude display Womsn reaffirms a conservative, covered norm for public decency. Throughout this literature, carnival costumes reverse or at least destabi- lize the overdetermined identities of the wearers. In contrast, in New Orleans, nudity is the costume.

There has been flashh little discus- sion of the practice of unmasking, or nudity, which is both present and performed in large-scale, modern carnival traditions. The first step toward decoding the nude perfor- mance is to avoid the generalizing tendencies that have circumscribed carnival traditions too narrowly to reflect the richness of national traditions. In Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, for example, nudity is part of a costume. In this case, nudity is present but distant, located out of reach of the parade participants. It is also a group phenomenon, repeated synchronously and mimeti- Figure 2. A Carnaval show, where nudity cally by the members of the blocos clubs who are on is part of the costume.

Finally, nudity marks the Carnaval partici- parade, Rio de Janeiro, Performed by those remaining in the city, nudity not only references the working-class citizens who occupy leading roles in the festivities, but also the female, largely black, residents who are exoticized. In his exploration of 19th- and 20th-century masking rituals in Caribbean carnivals, Gerard Aching finds that masking elaborates diverse politics and identities rather than a psychological core of a culture. Mardi 79 Gras nudity only has meaning performed in the specific social contexts of its own historical moments, giving it both its adaptive energy for affirmation and subversion Riggio Neither inherently liberating nor exploitative, nudity points to a matrix of political relation- ships reenacted through the carnival.

In the case of Mardi Gras nudity, this matrix is redoubled through the production of home videos that sell representations of these nude performances as a synecdoche of the entire Mardi Gras experience.

Tits gras flash mardi Women at

Flashing signifies dually in the contexts of the street where it is performed and in the homes where it is viewed around the world. At the same time, the live and the mediated are mutually mardk. Although the practice existed prior to the video camera, the ubiquity of media images hras flashing makes it nearly impossible to imagine that people who flash today do not know the practice as an already mediated image. The live and flasy mediatized constitute each other, naturalizing the representation as the real and the live as the simulacrum of the representation Auslander If Mardi Gras flashing is thus indicative of the local contexts for identity performance, the Mardi Gras video completes the circuit of culture for the communication of those contexts globally.

Mardi Gras Videos The grass and distribution of Mardi Gras videos began simultaneously in local and national markets in the late s, when amateur videomakers flocked to the event with the explicit intent of commercial sales. Footage could be collected on the streets of New Orleans, assembled in external locations, and then sold simultaneously fits local bars and Figures 3, 4, and 5. Covers of fllash Mardi Gras retail outlets as well as national direct-mail videos: Photos internet, in video retail stores, on cable and of oWmen covers by Vicki Mayer pay-per-view television channels, and even on late-night network television, where hour-long infomercials hawk the video series.

Like much of the pornography market, which falls outside the tite of statistical Women flash tits at mardi gras by the U. Commerce Department, it is impossible to gauge the actual profits generated by sales of Mardi Gras videos. Yet the rapid expan- sion of the market from two, to four, to over ten companies producing Mardi Gras videos today attests flas to the development of a new commodity and the orientation of a new industry within the confines of Mardi Gras marri an already commercial enterprise that draws tourist revenue.

Mardi Gras videos are like advertising in that they are both a commodity and an instrument of commodification Williamson Videos are a product, while also sell- ing flashing as a product. Similarly, the covers of Mardi Gras videos prominently feature female body parts, often collaged together. In these ways, flashing becomes the fetish that derives its exchange value from the universe of home video retail, while it is itself a tool for the exchange of goods on the street. As a commodity, though, Mardi Gras videos sit between industrial genre definitions as neither pornography nor reality television.

Like celebrity interviews, talk programs, and tapings at public events, alternative pornography highlights the external reality that the video producer captures on tape. According to Jeffrey J. Douglas, the current Chair for the Free Speech Coalition, reality documentary suggests the implicit consent to be taped in the public view. In these complicated taxonomies, the classification of the genre associates Mardi Gras flashing with news rather than obscenity, and journalistic morays over voyeuristic values.

The genre name also reinforces that flashing is both a norm that which naturally appears in the public viewand its opposite that which is newsworthy. Mardi Gras 81 Although there is complete continuity in the selection of flashing as the central focus of Mardi Gras videos, the multiplication of production companies has led to mass customiza- tion of the individual product lines. One primary difference among Mardi Gras videos lies in technical distinctions between analog and digital aesthetics. The graininess of the analog image seems to empha- size its authenticity, while the pixilation of the digital image, particularly in night shots, attests to the professionalism of the product.

Another area of distinction concerns the par- ticipation of the cameraman in the video. Whereas it is clear that many flashers are unaware of their starring roles in the commercial videos, the interaction between flashers and camera- men on tape is frequently part of the disjunctive storylines that sometimes accompany the vignettes. The off-camera voice of the cameraman draws attention to the production process of the video itself, as well as the personas that flashers and voyeurs play with on the streets of Mardi Gras. Finally, there is the use of scenes not directly related to flashing interspersed in the vid- eos. This narrative is less common today, although clips of unusual or sexualized Mardi Gras costumes still frequently appear in between the flashing clips.

More widespread today is the use of hard-core clips in the videos. Often, a woman who receives beads on the street retires to a hotel or a stairwell, where sexual penetration takes place. These hard-core scenes, which appear as just another vignette in the retinue of soft-core clips, are reminders of the public and private spaces of sexual pleasure in Mardi Gras. Like the definition of the genre itself, the range of differences among Mardi Gras flashing videos is reflective of the political economy of pornography itself. The tendency to bring the cameraman into contact with the flasher on camera is, in part, a legal tactic. By looking into the camera directly and stating their age, women would find it impossible afterward to say they did not give legal consent to having their image taped.

The hard-core scenes themselves became a popular way to gain distribution in the saturated Mardi Gras market. Flashing videos revel in the visual display of continuous clips of women disrobing without any narrative order. Referencing early cinema at the turn of the past century, the thrill of this cinematic form was: The succession of thrills is potentially limited only by viewer exhaustion. Unnamed sources for this article were guaranteed anonymity. In fact, we do not know. Neither the video producers nor distributors conduct audi- ence research—yet their businesses are flourishing, which implies that the thrill is not gone.

Videos sell and women flash in a cycle of mutual exchange.

Gra months of witnessing women lifting or dropping pieces of their clothing on Bourbon Street, I am loathe to generalize a reason why women do it though this has been the most pressing question for those wanting their own voyeuristic peek into the act. Quite simply, the reasons why graa flash are as diverse as the women themselves. For some, flashing definitely falls in the realm mardj the carnivalesque, a marid that breaches the norms for female respectability outside the carnival. Maardi breasts—already a symbol mxrdi maternal nurtur- maddi in dominant codes of white, middle-class femininity—could reveal the repressed symbol of difference that justifies patriarchal exploitation. Painted pubes—with their grotesque colors and staging of labia and grxs as non-reproductive ornaments—could mock the elisions between Woken and nature.

If the desire to be seen is a full-blown social neurosis, as Christopher Lasch contends, women exploit this desire with the striptease per- formance. For while many women shun cameras, there are others who seek them out. Frequently, a woman on a balcony will only disrobe when a professional Wimen has a spotlight on her. For those who seek out the cameras, the desire to be looked at frequently Woemn out of her Wkmen. Men who swarm nude women—men who one Figure 6. Grae courtesy of Dan symbolic order. Men not only judge women ver- Spayer, redpac redpac. I have seen women who do not receive the weight of their perceived worth break into tears or aggression. In short, the narrative scripts for getting naked or flashing are varied.

Why do some women repeatedly disrobe in public while others resist altogether? Why does one flash for one man but not another, or a crowd? These differ- Mardi Gras ences suggest that perhaps the more interesting questions are the ways that flashing signifies 83 beyond the authorial intentions of the flasher; in particular, what do the production of these differences within the replication of the ritual for bare representation mean? Without reducing the process to a primal urge, devoid of history, it would seem that mimesis implies a dialectic between imitation and recognition of difference, both within others and within oneself.

Like the parade of mimetic attractions, Mardi Gras videos present seemingly endless variations on the flashing theme. Women of all races, backgrounds, sexualities, body types, and though rarer even men are represented in the act, offering a panoply of voyeuristic pleasures while celebrating Mardi Gras as a multicultural spectacular. Editing further creates copies of alternate selves, as the same woman may be represented with conflicting perspectives, both within the same video as well as among videos shot by differ- ent people. The video Black Mardi Gras Wayne Enterprises and DMN Productionsfor example, features the same woman over 20 times in different performances, settings, and shooting styles, inviting the question: Is this woman really the same?

Similarly, particularly exhibitionistic women may appear in all of the videos released in a given year. It is the ways that her image is slowed down, cut in rapidly, or repeated that generate variations in her representation. The salience of sexual difference that the spectator encounters on his or her travels with the camera and cameraman is neatly contained within a U. At the same time, cameras are more prevalent in some spaces than others. While flashing may be democratically performed, the camera crews tend to hover in between the and numbered blocks of Bourbon Street—areas peppered exclusively with T-shirt shops, bars, and strip clubs.

Occasionally, the men stray above the block, where a series of gay bars are located, but almost never below the block, where the street empties into the downtown business district. By venturing only occasionally into these areas, video crews confirm the diversity of flashing rituals while seemingly disassociating their representations from the fears of black violence that characterize the rest of the city. Differences in the video-flashing circuit thus circumscribe the performers in specific social hierarchies, most obviously in terms of gender, and more covertly in terms of race and sexuality.


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